
When Jimmy Lai was a child working the streets of Canton (Guangzhou), China, in the 1950s, he received a bar of chocolate as a tip for carrying a manโs bags at a train station.
Poor and hungry, he immediately bit into the treat. He had never tasted anything like it, and he asked the traveler where he was from.
โHong Kong,โ the man replied.
Lai had never heard of Hong Kong, but he knew it was a place he wanted to be. So a few years later, at age 12, he stowed away on a fishing vessel and escaped mainland China for Hong Kong.
Lai immediately realized there was something different about the territory. He had never seen so much food or wealth before, and he quickly found work at a factory. Over several years, he worked, saved, and invested, and eventually as a young man Lai scraped up enough money to purchase a bankrupt clothing company and started manufacturing sweaters.
Laiโs entrepreneurship paid off. He prospered and diversified. He bought properties in Canada, and in the early 1980s launched the popular clothing brand Giordano (a name he picked up from a napkin from a New York City pizza joint). He later started newspapers, including the popular Next Magazine, which he founded in 1990, and the Apple Daily, which for years was the only pro-democracy daily newspaper printed in Chinese.
By 2008, Lai had become a billionaire and was on Forbesโs list of the wealthiest entrepreneurs. But at some point in his rags-to-riches story, Lai realized that wealth was not his ultimate goal.
Preserving the freedom of Hong Kong had become his lifeโs mission. โWithout freedom, we have nothing,โ Lai has often said.
In his quest to save Hong Kongโs rapidly fading freedom, however, Lai has sacrificed his own. The entrepreneur and media mogul currently sits in a Chinese prison, charged with โconspiracy to collude with foreign forcesโ and โconspiracy to publish seditious publications.โ
Laiโs story was the subject of a 2023 documentary produced by the Acton Institute. How it will end remains unclear.
A Brief History of Hong Kong
To understand the political persecution of Jimmy Lai, one must first understand the history of Hong Kong.
In 1898, following years of colonial rule under the British Empire that began after the First Opium War (1839โ1842), China leased Hong Kong to Great Britain for 99 years. For the next century, the small peninsula and islands that jutted into the South China Sea operated under British rule.
This changed in 1997, when the United Kingdomโs claim on the territory came to an end. But during its 156 years under British rule, Hong Kong developed a distinctly Western character. Property rights, free speech, and free markets helped turn Hong Kong into one of the most prosperous places on earth, a land far wealthier than neighboring Communist China.
โIn 1987, Hong Kongโฆhad a per capita income of $8,260,โ author Robert A. Peterson observed prior to the handover. โJust a few miles away, across the Sham Chun River โ in Communist China โ people of the same racial stock, living in the same subtropical climate on shores washed by the same South China Sea, were able to produce a per capita income of only $300.โ
As Jimmy Lai would say, the British didnโt give Hong Kong democracy. But they did give Hong Kongers valuable institutions of freedom: free markets, the rule of law, free speech, and other human rights. And much like West Germany became a destination for immigrants seeking to flee the yoke of socialism following World War II, Hong Kong became a destination for Chinese immigrants following Maoโs takeover of China in 1949.
From Freedom to Authoritarianism
Because of how diametrically different these two systems were, there was always some uncertainty about what would happen to Hong Kong when the British handed it back over to China. Technically, the agreement made Hong Kong a special administrative region (SAR) of China, which came with certain guarantees, including a democratically elected legislative system, constitutional rights, and the promise of Hong Kong autonomy for the next 50 years.
The idea was โOne country, two systems,โ a concept that stretched back to the 1980s, that granted Hong Kong would its own economic and administrative system separate from Communist China. But even as the ink on the handover agreement dried, China began to encroach on Hong Kongโs autonomy. And in 2012, following the rise of Xi Jinping, Communist officials began to secretly circulate a policy known as Document No. 9 (the Communiquรฉ on the Current State of the Ideological Sphere), which said the Chinese government must wage war against โWestern values,โ including free speech, media freedom, and judicial independence.
This did not bode well for Hong Kongers.
โHong Kongโs bad luck was that it exemplifies all those Western values in a Chinese form,โ said Chris Patten, the last British governor of Hong Kong.
As if to demonstrate its commitment to this war on โWestern values,โ the government in Beijing soon arrested Gao Yu, a female journalist who was accused of publishing Document No. 9. She was found guilty in a secret trial and sentenced to seven years in prison for โleaking state secretsโ to a Hong Kong media organization.
The crackdown on freedom in Hong Kong continued, eventually prompting the Umbrella Protests of 2014. Further protests in 2019โ2020 were sparked by a bill that would allow Beijing to extradite to mainland China Hong Kongers accused of crimes.
The stateโs violent crackdown on the 2019 protests garnered international attention and spawned the National Security Law that criminalized what the Chinese government defined as secession, subversion, and collusion. This included โsubversiveโ messages suggesting that Hong Kong is a separate system from China that should be ruled democratically.
โThe law was really about ensuring Beijingโs authority over Hong Kong and making sure it wasnโt subject to the same threats it was during the 2019 protests,โ Michael Cunningham, a Research Fellow in the Heritage Foundation’s Asian Studies Center who lived in mainland China when the 2019 protests erupted, told me.
โHong Kong Is Dyingโ
As Hong Kong slipped slowly into authoritarianism, Jimmy Lai did something extraordinary: he continued to resist Beijing.
Wealthy and politically connected, Lai could have continued to speak out against Communist tyranny from London or New York or some other city with strong free speech protections. But he refused to abandon his fellow Hong Kongers, and remained committed to peaceful resistance.
โIf we use violence, weโll lose the moral authority we have,โ Lai said.
While many Hong Kongers were scrubbing their online profiles of pro-democracy sentiments, Lai and journalists at the Chinese-language Apple Daily continued to publish and speak out against the Chinese governmentโs encroachments.
โHe did all this knowing he was in the crosshairs,โ said Cunningham.
Amid the global chaos of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Chinese Communist Party saw its opportunity to take down the face of Hong Kongโs freedom movement.
On August 10, 2020, Hong Kong Police raided the headquarters of the Apple Daily. Some 200 officers wearing masks searched the offices of the popular pro-democracy tabloid, collecting journalistsโ documents, and arresting several people, including Lai.
Lai, whose arrest was live-streamed, was frog-marched out of the office by police in plain clothes. He was charged with colluding with a foreign country and then released on bail. Several months later, he was arrested again.
Even with Lai behind bars, the Apple Daily continued to print, and the newspapers flew off newsstands. In response, Beijing seized the newspaperโs funds (and Laiโs), and on June 23, 2021, the Apple Daily printed its last newspaper.
Thereโs no question that Laiโs imprisonment and the collapse of a free press in Hong Kong mark a turning point in a territory once noteworthy for its prosperity and commitment to classical liberalism.
โIt feels like Hong Kong is dying,โ one anonymous Hong Kong resident says in the documentary.
To make matters worse, many of the leaders who might help lead resistance against Beijing have fled, since they are now targets of the state.
โI was wanted by the Hong Kong court for joining the June 4 candlelight vigil,โ said Sunny Cheung, a Hong Kong activist now in exile.
Cheung has no intention of returning. If found guilty, he would face a maximum sentence of life in prison for attending that vigil.
โThis isnโt a legal system in any sense that we understand,โ said David Alton, a member of the British House of Lords and human rights advocate, โbecause itโs a foregone conclusion youโre going to be convicted.โ
โThe Rest of His Life in Prisonโ?
Jimmy Laiโs future is unknown.
The 76-year-old freedom fighter remains in solitary confinement in a Chinese prison after receiving a nearly 6-year sentence in December 2022 on various charges. But he is still awaiting trial on charges related to Chinaโs National Security Law, and a Hong Kong appellate court recently upheld a ban that prevents his British counsel from participating in the trial.
As I watched the Acton Instituteโs incredible documentary on Lai โ first once and then a second time โ I felt a wave of emotions. And the same thought kept hitting me. How hadnโt I heard about this before?
Laiโs life and sacrifice is one of the most powerful stories Iโve watched in years, yet somehow it was a story I knew nothing about. The lack of international outcry over Laiโs political persecution is something I canโt get my mind around, and Iโm not the only one. Many of Laiโs supporters expressed similar sentiments.
โWhy havenโt the United Kingdom and the United States tabled resolutions in the United Nations?โ asked Alton.
George Weigel, a senior fellow of Washingtonโs Ethics and Public Policy Center, was also perplexed.
โItโs a great puzzle to me why the Vatican, which is constantly emphasizing the rule of law in international affairs, is not more vocally concerned,โ said Weigel.
The lack of attention Laiโs imprisonment is receiving is troubling. Laiโs words make it clear that he is risking his life to save Hong Kong based at least in part on his belief that others care as much about liberty as he does, and they would be spurred to action by his persecution.
โ[Hong Kong] gave me freedom. I owe freedom my life,โ says Lai. โThe more pressure I have, the greater the voice I should have so the world will pay notice.โ
Lai has done his part. After suffering years of intimidation, state spies, and attacks that included a Molotov cocktail thrown at his home, he is currently a political prisoner in a Chinese cell. But the world is not doing its part. We are not doing our part.
No groundswell movement demanding freedom for Jimmy has managed to take hold. No social media campaign has gone viral. As someone who follows the news and works for an organization dedicated to economic freedom, I feel embarrassed and convicted that I knew so little of Lai, who in 2021 received the Truman-Reagan Medal of Freedom from the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation.
Cunningham told me that Laiโs imprisonment is receiving more international attention than it is in the US, but there are some doubts about what exactly the international community can do regarding Chinaโs Laiโs imprisonment and encroachment on the rule of law in Hong Kong.
โThey need to be held to account for violating the British sign-over agreement,โ he said.
Whatever political leverage or groundswell movement that can bemustered to influence China must be found quickly. If not, Jimmy Lai could end up paying the ultimate price for the Westโs ambivalence.
โHe may very well spend the rest of his life in prison,โ says Benedict Rogers, the founder of Hong Kong Watch.
โThe Book Changed My Lifeโ
Anyone who watches the documentary on Laiโs life is likely to find himself asking a question: Would I have the courage to do what Jimmy Lai is doing?
The answer is likely no, if weโre being honest. This is not so much an indictment of our own courage, but the recognition that the world is witnessing martyr-like bravery from Lai, who became a Christian in 1997.
The Bible was not the only book that shaped Lai, however. He credits another: F. A. Hayekโs The Road to Serfdom.
โThe book changed my life,โ Lai says of the Nobel Prize-winning authorโs magnum opus.
This should perhaps come as no surprise. In a sense, Lai didnโt just read The Road to Serfdom. He lived it.
As a child, Lai saw the poverty and cruelty of the Communist system that took everything from his once-wealthy father after Mao claimed power in October 1949. Lai was able to flee that system and prosper in a free-market economy, only to watch, in a cruel twist, the CCP usher in its policies of serfdom into his adopted land.
This, I think, is what fortified Lai with such rare courage. He isnโt just fighting for freedom in an abstract sense. Heโs fighting for freedom in the most practical of senses, the freedom that allows a poor child in China to reach a nearby land of opportunity โ just like Lai did when he escaped to Hong Kong aboard a fishing boat after tasting a bar of chocolate.
โBy saving Hong Kong, you are saving the value of the free world,โ Lai says.
Lai doesnโt just believe these words are true. He knows them to be true. This is why heโs risking his life for freedom. And his remarkable life shows that heroes still walk among us.
The world right now isnโt paying attention to his sacrifice. But I believe it will. And CCP officials who think they can lock Jimmy Lai up and throw away the key would do well to remember a bit of wisdom the Apple Daily shared in its final printing:
โWhen an apple is buried beneath the soil, its seeds will become a tree filled with bigger and more beautiful apples.โ
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